real independent
Without Independent candidates, this can't work.
If you don't see a choice (an Independent) on the ballot, become that choice. That's the only way this evolution of our political culture and government will work.
I'm no politician. Don't want to be one. But in 1990, I ran for office and it wasn't for "dog catcher." I ran as an Independent against a well-entrenched incumbent for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. No, I didn't win. After wearing out two pair of dress shoes and putting over 5,000 miles on my little pickup truck over 10 months of campaigning, I finished with about 9% of the vote, some 19K votes.
It was definitely worth the effort though. I discovered how constituents view Independents, how the media treats you, what a well-known incumbent does, and the ultimate purpose behind running for an office. Change.
I understand that the commitment to running for a political office is a big decision. I also understand the resistance to being labeled a "politician." Ugh!
But think about it: If we ordinary citizens (competent ones, but ordinary) don't run for office, we're leaving those positions to the power-hungry, the ideological fringe, the partisans who want their party to be in control of our government. If we don't run for office, we get what we deserve: Them.
Now might not be the right time for you. But always keep the idea in mind because sometime in the future, it might just be the right time for you. Our country needs you.
If you don't see a choice (an Independent) on the ballot, become that choice. That's the only way this evolution of our political culture and government will work.
I'm no politician. Don't want to be one. But in 1990, I ran for office and it wasn't for "dog catcher." I ran as an Independent against a well-entrenched incumbent for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. No, I didn't win. After wearing out two pair of dress shoes and putting over 5,000 miles on my little pickup truck over 10 months of campaigning, I finished with about 9% of the vote, some 19K votes.
It was definitely worth the effort though. I discovered how constituents view Independents, how the media treats you, what a well-known incumbent does, and the ultimate purpose behind running for an office. Change.
I understand that the commitment to running for a political office is a big decision. I also understand the resistance to being labeled a "politician." Ugh!
But think about it: If we ordinary citizens (competent ones, but ordinary) don't run for office, we're leaving those positions to the power-hungry, the ideological fringe, the partisans who want their party to be in control of our government. If we don't run for office, we get what we deserve: Them.
Now might not be the right time for you. But always keep the idea in mind because sometime in the future, it might just be the right time for you. Our country needs you.
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About this website
Real Independent is devoted to advancing moderacy and independence in American politics. Here, you'll find information about candidates considered by the media to be "non-viable" as well as facts and opinions relating to the issues of the day (and some issues that aren't), all from a balanced perspective. Also, we have a few words from the founders about the dangers of concentrations of power like political parties.
About the author.
About the author.
Excerpt from the author's book,
The Problem is Party
The Problem is Party
Closed Primaries
Twenty years ago, in 2002, a fellow named Dick Riordan was the mayor of Los Angeles. He was well-liked. He was a moderate Republican, fiscally conservative and center-left on social issues.
Riordan decided to run against the unscrupulous Democratic governor, Gray Davis, whose administration was widely claimed to be a corrupt “pay to play” outfit. Davis suffered from low approval ratings, and appeared to be set for a one-term rule. A well-known state poll, the Field Poll, showed Riordan easily beating Davis in a one- on-one race.
Now mind you, in left-of-center California, nobody from the Republican right wing was going to win statewide office. Moderate Republicans had recent successes (see former Govs. Pete Wilson and George Dukmejian). But right-wingers? No.
Problem is, California at the time had a closed primary system, like most states today. Riordan had to win the Republican primary before getting a shot at Davis in the general. But in California, the Republican base had two characteristics then (and now): It was a very small minority of the state’s population and it trended far, far right. In the primary, Riordan had to first deal with a fellow named Bill Simon, who was, as I remember him, to the right of Attila the Hun.
Davis ran essentially unopposed in the Democratic primary. So in a classic example of corrupt party politics, he spent millions of his own campaign cash on Riordan attack ads. It really wasn’t necessary; Simon was easily the favorite of the far right. But still it was a pretty corrupt act. And guess what?
Despite Californians—as a whole—wanting Riordan as the next governor, he lost to Simon, and of course, Davis pummeled Simon in the general election.
Because of party’s thoroughly undemocratic closed primary system, one in which a small minority gets to narrow our choices, we couldn’t have the governor we really wanted. We couldn’t have Dick Riordan. We still didn’t want Davis, and so mere months later, we removed him from office in a disruptive and costly recall election. In the weird recall process that existed at the time, we got ... Ah-nold (Arnold Schwarzenegger) as governor. Close, but no Riordan.
Compare that scenario to the Connecticut U.S. Senate race four years later (2006). Unlike California, Connecticut has no “sore loser” law—at least at the time it didn’t— which means a person who loses a closed party primary can still run as an independent in the general election.
Well that year, Sen. Joe Lieberman was running for reelection. He was considered a centrist Democrat; on some issues, he was clearly right of center. He lost in the Democratic primary to Ned Lamont (the state’s current governor), who ran a far left campaign against the sitting senator. Like the Riordan situation, though, polling revealed that the people of Connecticut—as a whole—wanted Lieberman as their senator. So he ran as an independent in the general.
OMG! The righteous indignation of those for whom party comes before all else was palpable—like the junior senator from New York (Hillary Clinton), who said, “Voters of Connecticut have made their decision and I think that decision should be respected,” and Democratic National Committee chairman (Howard Dean), who said Lieberman was “disrespectful of Democrats and disrespectful of the Democratic Party.”
Oh well. Lieberman beat Lamont and the Republican candidate, and the people of Connecticut got the senator they wanted. The one they all wanted. That occurred because the partisans in the Connecticut state legislature left a loophole in their system, a loophole you won’t find in most other states.
Closed primaries do this to us all of the time. They narrow our choices and reduce the messages to two.
Twenty years ago, in 2002, a fellow named Dick Riordan was the mayor of Los Angeles. He was well-liked. He was a moderate Republican, fiscally conservative and center-left on social issues.
Riordan decided to run against the unscrupulous Democratic governor, Gray Davis, whose administration was widely claimed to be a corrupt “pay to play” outfit. Davis suffered from low approval ratings, and appeared to be set for a one-term rule. A well-known state poll, the Field Poll, showed Riordan easily beating Davis in a one- on-one race.
Now mind you, in left-of-center California, nobody from the Republican right wing was going to win statewide office. Moderate Republicans had recent successes (see former Govs. Pete Wilson and George Dukmejian). But right-wingers? No.
Problem is, California at the time had a closed primary system, like most states today. Riordan had to win the Republican primary before getting a shot at Davis in the general. But in California, the Republican base had two characteristics then (and now): It was a very small minority of the state’s population and it trended far, far right. In the primary, Riordan had to first deal with a fellow named Bill Simon, who was, as I remember him, to the right of Attila the Hun.
Davis ran essentially unopposed in the Democratic primary. So in a classic example of corrupt party politics, he spent millions of his own campaign cash on Riordan attack ads. It really wasn’t necessary; Simon was easily the favorite of the far right. But still it was a pretty corrupt act. And guess what?
Despite Californians—as a whole—wanting Riordan as the next governor, he lost to Simon, and of course, Davis pummeled Simon in the general election.
Because of party’s thoroughly undemocratic closed primary system, one in which a small minority gets to narrow our choices, we couldn’t have the governor we really wanted. We couldn’t have Dick Riordan. We still didn’t want Davis, and so mere months later, we removed him from office in a disruptive and costly recall election. In the weird recall process that existed at the time, we got ... Ah-nold (Arnold Schwarzenegger) as governor. Close, but no Riordan.
Compare that scenario to the Connecticut U.S. Senate race four years later (2006). Unlike California, Connecticut has no “sore loser” law—at least at the time it didn’t— which means a person who loses a closed party primary can still run as an independent in the general election.
Well that year, Sen. Joe Lieberman was running for reelection. He was considered a centrist Democrat; on some issues, he was clearly right of center. He lost in the Democratic primary to Ned Lamont (the state’s current governor), who ran a far left campaign against the sitting senator. Like the Riordan situation, though, polling revealed that the people of Connecticut—as a whole—wanted Lieberman as their senator. So he ran as an independent in the general.
OMG! The righteous indignation of those for whom party comes before all else was palpable—like the junior senator from New York (Hillary Clinton), who said, “Voters of Connecticut have made their decision and I think that decision should be respected,” and Democratic National Committee chairman (Howard Dean), who said Lieberman was “disrespectful of Democrats and disrespectful of the Democratic Party.”
Oh well. Lieberman beat Lamont and the Republican candidate, and the people of Connecticut got the senator they wanted. The one they all wanted. That occurred because the partisans in the Connecticut state legislature left a loophole in their system, a loophole you won’t find in most other states.
Closed primaries do this to us all of the time. They narrow our choices and reduce the messages to two.